Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Copyright information -- Contents -- Contributor Biographies -- Foreword -- Prelude -- Section 1: 'The Almighty has done great things for me': Intersectional Experiences of Class and the Church -- 1. Feckless Faith: Why the Relationship between Class and Christian Faith is a Justice Issue -- 2. Wandering in the Wilderness: Education, Class and Dislocation -- 3. Caste, Class and Colour: The Church's Triangle of Tragedy -- Section 2: 'Lifting up the lowly': Class and Leadership in Mission and Ministry -- 4. Consider Your Own Call: Working-Class Vocations in the Church of England -- 5. Resisting Coloniality: Class, Pentecostalism and Contemporary Leadership in the Church in England -- Section 3: 'Casting down the mighty from their thrones': Class, Solidarity and the Struggle for the Common Good -- 6. 'Bullshit Jobs': The Church and the Precariat -- 7. Recovering the Radical: Lessons of Class Solidarity through a Case Study from the Iona Community -- 8. Class in the Classroom: Social Class and Theological Education -- 9. Conclusion: The Spirit and Struggling for Solidarity -- Afterword.

What is the actual harm done by hate crimes laws? Lieberman says, correctly, that I never addressed this. I did not do so because I thought the matter too obvious. Perhaps this was a mistake. So let me explain it: hate crimes laws empower magistrates to investigate, judge, and punish the contents of an individual's speech and beliefs, quite separately from any legitimate consideration of incitement or conspiracy. This rearranges the understanding vis-à-vis the state under which an individual must live in the United States, and calls into doubt our legal and cultural commitment to a free society. I consider this an actual, immediate harm that also constitutes an ever-present opportunity for greater harm. I urge Lieberman to ponder the possibility that this precedent may not always be limited to situations in which he approves of it.

Let's not make this easy. Early in the morning of March 3, 1992, after a long discussion of their racial resentments, John Ayers and Sean Riley set out from their suburban neighborhood of Silver Spring, Maryland, looking for black people to attack. They came upon two black women walking along Georgia Avenue; realizing they were being followed, the women began to run, and split up. Riley chased Myrtle Guillory, and Ayers chased Johnnie Mae McCrae. Guillory testified at trial that Riley yelled repeatedly, "I'm going to kill you, you black bitch." Guillory escaped when she ran to the home of a friend, who protected her. McCrae found no refuge. Ayers dragged her to a nearby woods, where he savagely beat her and told her that he was going to kill her.

A reply to Michael Lieberman's critique of Larner's "Hate Crime/Thought Crime" (2010) focuses on Lieberman's assertion that hate crime laws do not criminalize speech or thought. Discussion opens with a mathematical expression indicating hate crime statutes' do criminalize certain speech & beliefs. Lieberman's argument that bias crimes require greater punishment is then challenged, & damage that hate crime laws cause is described. The threat of these laws to the US Constitution is reiterated. D. Edelman

Explores the legal gravity of hate, critiquing the argument for hate crime laws. The Matthew Shepard & James Byrd prosecutions are discussed before providing a brief historical overview of hate crime laws in the US. Legal responses to hate violence that do not look to regulate opinion are next looked at. It is argued that supporters of hate crime laws tend to expand the concept of conspiracy in a dangerous manner. Other problems related to intent, state of mind, & belief are touched on. The prospect that hate crime laws might lead to hate speech laws is addressed, & it is concluded that actual crimes should be punished rather than the motivating beliefs of offenders. Adapted from the source document.

Right-wingers love Friedrich Hayek. The Austrian-British economist is revered by true believers at the American Enterprise Institute, the Cato Institute, the National Review, and the Weekly Standard. Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher cited his ideas as central to the social revolutions they hoped to spark. Antigovernment ideologues admire him as one of those few who kept Adam Smith's fires burning during the dark reign of John Maynard Keynes in the West; his most famous book, The Road to Serfdom, has sold more than 350,000 copies in the United States alone. And the modern right has enlisted Hayek as a political weapon: Why can't those loony lefties acknowledge the simple and obvious truths that he understood?